Assam CM Himanta Sarma is Throwing Miya to There

Introduction

Assam, a melting pot of cultures, rivers, and borders, has long been at the epicenter of immigration-led identity conflicts. Now under the strong leadership of Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Assam is witnessing a movement many call “Mission Miya Throw” — an unofficial but intense socio-political and administrative effort to dismantle Miya influence in the state’s culture, demography, education, and governance.

The term “Miya” refers to Bengali-origin Muslims, many of whom settled in Assam pre- and post-Partition. Over time, the demographic shifts and rising assertiveness of Miya identity — particularly through culture, politics, and land occupation — triggered deep anxieties in native Assamese society. What began decades ago as protests has now morphed into a political doctrine, with Himanta Biswa Sarma at the helm, executing what many term a “corrective mission”.

Let’s dive deep into the historical context, parliamentary debate, recent developments, the role of CAA, the formation of ULFA, and the broader implications for Assam and the Indian union.


Historical Context: The Root of Miya-Axom Conflict

The Silent Invasion: Miya Immigration

  • Migration of Bengali Muslims to Assam started during the British colonial period, especially after the annexation of East Bengal.
  • Following the Partition in 1947, waves of Muslims from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) settled in Assam, often with little documentation.
  • The 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War triggered another mass influx of refugees into the state.

Assamese natives feared that these migrations would turn them into minorities in their own land. These fears became political in the 1980s.


The Assam Agitation and ULFA Formation (1979–1985)

  • In 1979, the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) launched a historic protest demanding the detection and deportation of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.
  • The movement led to statewide riots, violence, and a sharp division between communities.
  • It culminated in the Assam Accord (1985), which promised to identify and expel illegal immigrants who arrived after March 25, 1971.

Parallelly, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was formed in 1979, advocating Assamese sovereignty. The organization blamed the Indian state for enabling demographic manipulation via unchecked immigration.

“We are the sons of the soil, not caretakers of someone else’s burden.” – ULFA founding manifesto.


Mission Miya Throw: The New Political Phase

With the advent of BJP rule in Assam (2016) and Himanta Biswa Sarma’s rise to Chief Minister in 2021, the long-standing Assamese-Bengali Muslim tension was institutionalized under a new strategy, coined informally as “Mission Miya Throw”.

Objectives of Mission Miya Throw

  1. Cultural Reassertion of Assamese identity.
  2. Removal of Miya influence from public institutions, culture, and education.
  3. Eviction drives in encroached government land areas.
  4. Crackdown on Miya poetry, literature, and identity politics.
  5. Restoration of “Assamese pride” in border areas.
  6. Legal and demographic isolation of illegal immigrants.

CAA and Mission Miya Throw: An Uneasy Alliance

The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019 plays a crucial yet complicated role in this entire equation.

What is CAA?

  • The CAA provides fast-track Indian citizenship to non-Muslim minorities from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan who entered India before December 31, 2014.
  • It was heavily opposed in Assam, not for its religious dimension, but because it legalizes migrants from Bangladesh, which the Assamese fear will change their demography permanently — even if those migrants are Hindu.

CAA Riots in Assam: A Cultural Rebellion, Not a Religious One

While the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) triggered nationwide protests, Assam witnessed some of the most intense and violent agitations — but unlike elsewhere in India, the resistance in Assam wasn’t rooted in religion.

Credit – Deccan Herald

The core anger stemmed from fears that CAA would grant citizenship to Bengali Hindus from Bangladesh, thereby legalizing the same demographic invasion that Assamese people had fought against for decades — be it Hindu or Muslim.

On December 11–13, 2019, Guwahati, Dibrugarh, and Jorhat erupted in violent protests, torching government buildings, train stations, and BJP offices.

The irony was sharp: while the CAA was widely seen as anti-Muslim across India, in Assam, the protesters viewed it as pro-Miya Hindu — highlighting the state’s ethnic and linguistic concerns over religious ones.

“Our problem is not with religion. Our problem is with Bangladeshis — Hindu or Muslim,”
— a prominent student leader said during the protests.

These riots deeply fractured Assam’s already fragile social harmony and once again brought the Miya question to the forefront of public discourse.

Himanta’s CAA Dilemma

  • As a BJP leader, Himanta supports CAA at the national level.
  • But as Assam’s CM, he walks a tightrope. CAA legalizes many Bengali Hindu migrants, which could trigger a backlash from ethnic Assamese.
  • Himanta distinguishes CAA from illegal Miya immigration, calling the former “victims of persecution” and the latter “demographic invaders.”

Critics say this differentiation is political opportunism, and undermines the Assam Accord.


Recent Developments Under Mission Miya Throw (2023–2025)

1. Revamped Eviction Drives (Post-2023)

  • In 2024, over 10,000 families were evicted from government land, forest reserves, and floodplains across districts like Barpeta, Dhubri, Nagaon, and Hojai.
  • These eviction drives were accompanied by police forces and bulldozers, prompting nationwide criticism.
  • Himanta stated in the Assembly: “Encroachment is not a religious issue. It is a crime against the future of Assam.”

2. Arrests and Surveillance on Miya Activism

  • Several social media influencers, student leaders, and poets were arrested for “anti-national expression.”
  • Miya poetry, which speaks of identity, marginalization, and survival, was targeted as “subtle jihad.”
  • The Assam Police’s Intelligence Unit now maintains a list of “sensitive Miya profiles.”

3. Amendment to Land Policy

  • New regulations prevent undocumented individuals from owning land in protected belts and blocks.
  • Digitization of land records has led to many Miya families losing access to ancestral or occupied land.

4. NRC Re-verification Proposal

  • Himanta’s government has requested the Supreme Court for 20% re-verification of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in border districts.
  • This comes after the final NRC in 2019 left 1.9 million people out — many of them Hindus.
  • The BJP claims “genuine infiltrators” have still made it through.

Parliamentary Echoes and Legal Controversies

In Lok Sabha & Rajya Sabha

  • The opposition Congress, Trinamool, AIUDF, and Left parties have accused Himanta of:
  • Targeting Muslims under the veil of legality
  • Using bulldozers as political weapons
  • Damaging federal principles

Supreme Court and High Court Cases

  • Several public interest litigations (PILs) have been filed against:
  • Arbitrary eviction without rehabilitation.
  • Closure of madrasas and demolition of religious structures.
  • Detainment of minors under terror laws.

So far, the judiciary has not intervened directly, giving the government administrative liberty.


Public Sentiment: Fractured but Focused

Supporters Say:

  • Mission Miya Throw is about saving Assamese culture.
  • Illegal immigrants have already distorted demographic patterns in 11 districts.
  • Miya culture refuses integration into broader Assamese ethos.

Opponents Say:

  • It’s a political vendetta wrapped in patriotism.
  • Innocent Muslims are being labeled as illegal.
  • Evictions and targeting of cultural expressions violate constitutional freedoms.

Opposition’s Strategy and Roadblocks

  • Congress has tried to tap into minority discontent but remains organizationally weak.
  • AIUDF’s credibility is declining among younger Muslims.
  • Trinamool attempted expansion but was met with protests in upper Assam.

In the absence of a strong alternative, Himanta’s popularity remains intact, especially among urban, tribal, and Assamese Hindu voters.


Conclusion: Assam’s Identity at Crossroads

Mission Miya Throw isn’t just about governance — it is about redefining what it means to be Assamese in 21st-century India. Himanta Biswa Sarma’s strategy has proven electorally successful but ethically controversial. With the CAA, NRC, and eviction drives as tools, the mission has become a mix of cultural revivalism and demographic engineering.

Assam continues to sit on a powder keg of unresolved identity struggles. Whether this mission ends up as a historic course correction or a chapter of communal exclusion, will depend on how India balances national integrity, minority rights, and regional sentiments in the years ahead.

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